Part 2: When Do Malaysians Support The Death Penalty?

Download the Full Report ‘How Do Malaysians Really Feel About The Death Penalty?’


In Part 1 of our research write-up on attitudes toward the death penalty in Malaysia, we shared some highlights of our study which found, among others, that a small majority (60% of all respondents) feel the death penalty is needed in a society. However, even amongst this group of respondents, only two-thirds can confirm that they are clear and definite in their views.

Support for the death penalty is much more conditional and nuanced than is suggested by simple broad polling. In this piece, we share the findings of our study on support for the death penalty – including the mandatory death penalty – when tested against different types of offences, different severities of the crime and the intention of the perpetrator. We also tested respondents’ views against mitigating and aggravating factors drawn from actual past cases.

Death penalty for violent, intentional and ‘personal’ crimes

Support for the death penalty is much higher for violent crimes to individuals such as murder and rape (73% of all respondents) compared to terrorism or genocide (47% of all respondents), despite the potentially higher death tolls of the latter two. This underscores the relevance of personal empathy for named victims and their families in the public’s support for the death penalty.

<iframe src='https://flo.uri.sh/visualisation/2860115/embed' frameborder='0' scrolling='no' style='width:100%;height:400px;'></iframe><div style='width:100%!;margin-top:4px!important;text-align:right!important;'><a class='flourish-credit' href='https://public.flourish.studio/visualisation/2860115/?utm_source=embed&utm_campaign=visualisation/2860115' target='_top' style='text-decoration:none!important'><img alt='Made with Flourish' src='https://public.flourish.studio/resources/made_with_flourish.svg' style='width:105px!important;height:16px!important;border:none!important;margin:0!important;'> </a></div>

Generally, respondents become more pro-death penalty with increasing levels of intention and severity of the crime. The offence with the highest support for the death penalty is ‘intentional murder’. 85% of respondents chose the death penalty as the most appropriate maximum punishment for this crime with nearly half of all respondents choosing the mandatory death penalty, a significant proportion.

Navigation Note. Select the gear icon on the bottom right of the chart to view respondents by their demographics, or tap on each circle for more information.

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However, intention is clearly important. Only 42% of respondents chose the death penalty for cases where grievous harm or death is the outcome but without the intention to cause death, with only 4% of all respondents choosing the mandatory death penalty.

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When case facts are presented, respondents’ stance on the death penalty is further moderated, even in the case of premeditated murder. Drawing from an actual case (reworded to remove identifying details), we tested respondents’ sense of proportionate punishment on a scenario where a victim of prolonged domestic abuse was found guilty of killing her abuser. Only 27% of respondents chose the death penalty for her, a starkly different figure from the aforementioned 85% of respondents who chose the death penalty for intentional murder. Mitigating factors matter greatly.

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The case of the effeminate youth (the T. Nhaveen case, reworded to remove identifying details) who died from prolonged violent assault by his peers drew higher condemnation. 66% of respondents chose the death penalty but even so, less than a quarter of respondents chose the mandatory death penalty despite the brutal nature of the case.

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For drug offences, support for death penalty mainly for kingpins

Attitudes on the death penalty and proportionate punishment is arguably most impactful for drug-related offences as this makes up the vast majority of death sentences meted out in Malaysia. 73% of prisoners currently on death row were convicted for drug trafficking.

For small-scale selling of drugs, as well as for buying for personal use, those who favoured the death penalty were in the minority. Only 35% of respondents chose the death penalty for the former and 21% of respondents chose the death penalty for the latter.

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Similar to the crime of grievous harm and murder, the impact of intention and severity also applies to the punishments chosen for drug-related offences. 63% of respondents chose the death penalty for the offence of large-scale trading of drugs with 28% of all respondents calling for the mandatory death penalty.

When it comes to transporting drugs i.e. drug mules, there is greater compassion. Only 15% of respondents are in favour of the death penalty for those who unknowingly transport drugs. Support for the death penalty increases to 38% for drug mules who commit the crime knowingly, similar to levels shown for the crime of small-scale trading of drugs mentioned above.

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When presented with mitigating factors drawn from actual cases, the above attitudes towards the death penalty and minor drug offences appears to be further moderated slightly. For example, only 14% of respondents chose the death penalty for a teenager found with 600g of cannabis*.

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*An actual case where an 18-year-old from a low-income household was sentenced to death for drug trafficking.

Some noteworthy differences across demographics

Gender. Females are more likely than men to support the death penalty for small-scale selling of drugs and knowingly transporting drugs.

Age. People above 45 years old are more punitive towards drug offenders than those below 45 years old. The older the participant, the more likely they are to agree that drug offenders should face the death penalty.

Education. Degree holders are more likely to choose the death penalty for small-scale drug traffickers than those with secondary-level education.

Support for death penalty lower and more conditional than expected

As shown in Part 1 of our research write-up, Malaysians are relatively conservative in outlook regarding crime and punishment. A majority (60%), though not a significant one, believe that the death penalty is needed in a society. On the other end of the spectrum, only 4% of respondents believe that the death penalty should not be used at all. A large majority of respondents believe in the need for retribution (71%) as well as the deterring power (85%) of the death penalty.

Even so, Malaysians’ stance on the death penalty, particularly the mandatory death penalty, moderated greatly when presented with offences of varying severity and intent. As we shared above, the collective stance on the death penalty moderated even further when presented with mitigating factors.

As a final overall picture: of the 60% of respondents who believed that the death penalty is needed in society, only a minuscule 1% of them voted for the mandatory death penalty as punishment for all case scenarios presented in the survey. Less than 10% of them voted for the mandatory death penalty in drug-related case scenarios.

The proportionality of Malaysia’s sentencing guidelines is clearly out of sync with the public’s collective sense of justice, particularly for drug-related offences. With the advent of medicinal marijuana, the issue of proportionate punishment and justice will only become more acute as shown in the public response to the court judgements in the case of Muhammad Lukman Mohamad.

Earlier this year, a Special Committee to review alternative sentences to the mandatory death penalty headed by Tan Sri Richard Malanjum submitted its recommendations to the then Pakatan Harapan government. Former Law Minister Datuk Liew Vui Keong had also pledged to table the recommendations to the Cabinet for deliberation before bringing the matter to Parliament.

We hope that the work of the Special Committee continues under the current government and we call for clear policy direction as well as tangible progress in closing the gap between provisions in the law and the collective sense of what constitutes just punishment. In light of cases like Muhammad Lukman’s and hundreds of others currently on death row, it is clear that much legislative work needs to be resumed even as we navigate the ‘new normal’ of a Covid-19 world. The Centre also advocates for more extensive public opinion studies, not only to capture public views more thoroughly but also to better support policymakers and lawmakers with reform.


Email us your views or suggestions at editorial@centre.my.

Part 1: Do Malaysians Really Support The Death Penalty?

Download the Full Report ‘How Do Malaysians Really Feel About The Death Penalty?’


In 2018, the then Malaysian government announced the abolition of the death penalty for all offences that stipulated the punishment. It was meant as a progressive step forward, but against a backdrop of what appeared to be a public backlash and a series of contradicting policy statements (not to mention a change in government and a global pandemic), the issue has received no resolution since.

Going by various press conferences, memoranda, petitions and polls against the death penalty, it would appear that the Malaysian public’s opinion on this topic is broadly conservative. It has been reported for example that an overwhelming 82% of netizens opposed abolishing the death penalty.

But are Malaysians really that decisive and clear about the death penalty? And can you truly measure the public sentiment on a complex and emotive issue based on simple agree/disagree polls?

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We at The Centre are particularly interested in the area of proportionate sentencing and we sought to find answers to these questions and more in a recent study.

For an overview of the death penalty in Malaysia, read our primer here.

About the survey

With fieldwork partner Hometrics, The Centre conducted an extensive survey on opinions toward the death penalty between 29 November 2019 and 6 December 2019. Apart from seeking to understand the reasons behind respondents’ general attitudes toward the death penalty, we also wanted to investigate the strength of these views against different offences that currently merit the death penalty, the presence of aggravating and mitigating factors, as well as respondents’ mock sentencing of actual case scenarios. 

Did you know:
The majority of death row cases in Malaysia are for drug-related offences.

Questions in the survey were refined from three existing studies done on the death penalty: an extensive public opinion survey in Malaysia by Professor Roger Hood in 2013, a Singaporean study done by the National University of Singapore in 2018, as well as a death penalty attitude scale created by Kevin O’Neil and his team of American researchers. 

The Bahasa Malaysia, English and Mandarin survey was conducted through 500 face-to-face interviews in Peninsular Malaysia based on a stratified sample of states, age, gender and ethnicity. The demographic breakdown of respondents are as follows:

Note: Due to constraints, the face-to-face survey was limited to Peninsular Malaysia only.

Death penalty ‘necessary’ for majority, but not clearly so

The survey kicked off by asking respondents if they felt that the death penalty is needed in a society. A small majority of respondents, 60%, agreed or strongly agreed with this statement. However a relatively significant 31% of respondents were neutral. This suggests that Malaysians could be more uncertain about the death penalty than indicated by simple ‘yes/no’ polls.

Navigation Note: Select the gear icon on the bottom right of the chart to view respondents by their demographics, or tap on each circle for more information.

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We also asked respondents if they felt that their opinions toward the death penalty were definite or clear. 59% of respondents agreed or strongly agreed that they had definite views on the death penalty but the remaining (and significant) 41% were not as sure — an important detail that would be missed in ‘yes/no’ polls.

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Support mostly driven by beliefs in deterrence and retribution

Global research on attitudes towards the death penalty have identified four key factors or beliefs to drive support or opposition: retribution, deterrence, pragmatism, and rehabilitation.

Malaysians’ support for the death penalty is mostly driven by beliefs in deterrence and retribution. A large majority, 85% of respondents, believe that the death penalty makes criminals think twice and discourages people from committing that crime. It is a powerful belief despite the fact that there is as yet no conclusive evidence worldwide whether the death penalty has a deterring effect.

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The belief in retribution is also strong – 71% of respondents say that they would feel satisfied if those guilty of certain crimes paid for it with their lives. Interestingly, the desire for retribution is more on behalf of the victims and the victims’ families (73% of respondents) rather than for society (60% of respondents).

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Comparatively, beliefs in cost pragmatism and rehabilitation were not strong drivers of respondents’ attitudes towards the death penalty. On the count of cost pragmatism specifically, respondents were surprisingly divided. Only 50% of respondents agreed that sentencing to death is more cost-efficient than handing out life sentences. Degree-holders were found to agree more on the cost-efficiency of the death penalty than non-degree holders.

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Mixed feelings about second chances

Although 60% of respondents supported the death penalty in general, a higher majority of 83% agreed with the idea of life imprisonment as a punishment.

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At the same time, however, only 39% of respondents agreed on giving second chances to criminals who have been sentenced to life imprisonment. 59% of respondents were either neutral or against the idea of reduced sentences or pardons, indicating that Malaysians are broadly quite punitive towards those who have been found guilty.

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A few noteworthy differences across demographics

Ethnicity. Chinese respondents are 16% more likely to support the death penalty than Malay/Bumiputera respondents, while Indian respondents are 18% more likely to support the death penalty than Malay/Bumiputera respondents.

Education level. Tertiary-educated respondents are 45% more likely to support the death penalty than secondary-educated ones. 

Income. Respondents with a monthly household income of RM8,000 and above are 23% less likely to be pro-death penalty compared to respondents with monthly household income under RM3,000. 

Have it but don’t use it?

Only 4% of respondents to our survey believe that the death penalty should not be used at all vs. 60% of respondents who believe that the death penalty is needed in a society. Could this be due to the symbolic importance of having the death penalty in our statutes? In our editorial last year, we speculated that this could be the case and that reviewing the sentencing guidelines for all offences would be a more productive path forward.

This argument appears to be supported by the findings of our survey. Malaysians’ support for the death penalty – including the mandatory death penalty – is very much contingent on type of offence as well as the presence of aggravating and mitigating factors. Read these findings in Part 2 of our research write-up.


Email us your views or suggestions at editorial@centre.my.

Kesan PKP terhadap Kewangan, Pekerjaan dan Kesejahteraan Mental

Dalam Bahagian 1 laporan kajian kesejahteraan mental yang diterbitkan pada April 28, kami mendapati bahawa lebih 50% dari responden kaji selidik melaporkan mengalami kesan emosi negatif. Hasi kajian menggambarkan bahawa keadaan tempat tinggal yang merangkumi kepadatan isi rumah dan jenis kediaman  semasa tempoh Perintah Kawalan Pergerakan (PKP) mempengaruhi kadar kesejahteraan mental rakyat Malaysia.

Dalam Bahagian 2, kami mengkaji bagaimana perubahan dalam pekerjaan dan status kewangan sepanjang tempoh PKP mempengaruhi kadar kesejahteraan mental. Seperti dalam Bahagian 1, tahap kesejahteraan mental diukur menggunakan kaji selidik DASS-21. (Untuk maklumat lanjut tentang cara penerapan kaji selidik DASS-21 dan metodologi kajian secara keseluruhan, sila rujuk Bahagian 1).

Sampel

Analisa Bahagian 2 kajian ini menggunakan sub-sampel 720 responden daripada keseluruhan 1084 maklum balas yang dikumpulkan. Ini adalah kerana terdapat responden yang memberikan data tidak lengkap atau tidak teratur tentang pendapatan isi rumah. Penyisihan respons yang bermasalah membolehkan kami memberikan gambaran yang lebih tepat tentang kekangan kewangan yang dihadapi oleh responden.

Pecahan demografi sub-sampel adalah hampir sama dengan keseluruhan sampel (sila rujuk Bahagian 1): 59% responden dari kawasan bandar, dengan 70% dari Selangor dan Kuala Lumpur. 63% dari responden adalah wanita, dengan 82% mewakili Melayu/Bumiputera dan 42% dalam lingkungan umur 24-34. Selain itu, responden secara purata mempunyai tiga orang tanggungan kewangan.


Seperti dalam Bahagian 1, maklum balas tidak mewakili sampel berstrata nasional. Kelaziman dalam kaji selidik, masalah responden terkurang atau terlebih memberi maklum balas boleh berlaku – ini telah dikenalpasti dan jawapan di luar julat tidak dimasukkan di dalam kajian. Dapatan kajian ini perlu ditafsir dengan mengambil kira kekangan-kekangan yang disebutkan di atas.

Bagaimana pendapatan isi rumah telah berubah sepanjang PKP?

Penurunan pendapatan secara keseluruhan

Kami meminta responden melaporkan pendapatan isi rumah sebelum dan semasa tempoh PKP. Secara keseluruhan, purata pendapatan isi rumah responden sebelum dan semasa tempoh PKP adalah sebanyak RM8,790 dan RM7,773. (Jumlah ini adalah lebih tinggi dari purata kebangsaan, tetapi mewakili tumpuan responden kami di Selangor dan Kuala Lumpur dimana pendapatan purata isi rumah adalah lebih tinggi).

Dalam Bahagian 1 kajian ini, kami meneliti keadaan tempat tinggal dan jenis isi rumah. Dengan mengklasifikasikan pendapatan berdasarkan jenis isi rumah (Rajah 1a), dapat dilihat perbezaan tingkat purata pendapatan isi rumah berdasarkan jenis kediaman: isi rumah yang berpendapatan lebih tinggi lazimnya tinggal di bungalow/rumah berkembar atau apartment dan kondominium, sementara mereka dengan pendapatan rendah menetap di perumahan kos rendah. Secara purata perbezaan pendapatan isi rumah sebelum dan semasa PKP adalah sebanyak RM1,0008.

Rajah 1a: Pendapatan Purata Isi Rumah Sebelum dan Semasa PKP berdasarkan Jenis Kediaman

Kami juga mengklasifikasikan pendapatan sebelum dan semasa PKP berdasarkan jenis pekerjaan (Rajah 1b). Pekerja sambilan, pekerja sendiri dan pemilik perniagaan mengalami kemerosotan pendapatan yang paling ketara. Pekerja sambilan merupakan golongan yang paling terkesan dengan purata pendapatan mereka berkurangan sebanyak 50%, diikuti oleh pemilik perniagaan yang melaporkan pendapatan mereka merosot sebanyak 48%. Pekerja sepenuh masa merupakan golongan yang paling stabil diantara semua jenis pekerjaan, dengan penurunan pendapatan 3%.

Rajah 1b: Pendapatan Purata Isi Rumah Sebelum dan Semasa PKP berdasarkan Jenis Pekerjaan

Pendapatan turun, kadar kesejahteraan mental negatif meningkat

Rajah 2a-2c melaporkan bagaimana perubahan pendapatan memberi kesan kepada kesejahteraan mental. Tidak menghairankan, 54% dari golongan yang melaporkan penurunan pendapatan turut melaporkan mengalami kemurungan, manakala 40% melaporkan mengalami keresahan dan tekanan. Lebih kurang 25% melaporkan mengalami kemurungan serta keresahan di kadar teruk dan amat teruk, sementara 18% melaporkan mengalami tekanan di kadar yang sama.

Sebaliknya, mereka yang melaporkan peningkatan pendapatan isi rumah mengalami kadar kesejahteraan mental normal, kecuali kemurungan dimana 43% melaporkan mengalami tanda-tanda kemurungan ringan atau sederhana.

Rajah 2a: Perubahan pendapatan dan kesan terhadap tahap kemurungan

Rajah 2b: Perubahan pendapatan dan kesan terhadap tahap keresahan

Rajah 2c: Perubahan pendapatan dan kesan terhadap tahap tekanan

Kesejahteraan Mental dan Status Pekerjaan

Kadar kesejahteraan mental paling negatif di kalangan pelajar dan penganggur

Rajah 3a-3c menunjukkan pelajar dan penganggur mengalami kadar kesejahteraan mental paling negatif merentasi ketiga-tiga dimensi, diikuti oleh pekerja sambilan di tempat ketiga.

Pekerja sambilan dan penganggur melaporkan mengalami kadar kesejahteraan mental negatif di peringkat teruk. 27% dan 38% dari pekerja sambilan serta penganggur melaporkan mengalami tanda-tanda kemurungan di peringkat amat teruk dan teruk, berbanding 20% atau kurang oleh golongan lain (selain pelajar). Tren yang hampir sama turut dapat dilihat pada dimensi keresahan, di mana kedua-dua golongan pekerja sambilan dan penganggur melaporkan mengalami keresahan amat teruk dan teruk di kadar 34% dan 29%.

Sementara itu, 62% dan 58% pelajar melaporkan mengalami tanda-tanda keresahan dan kemurungan, manakala 40% melaporkan mereka mengalami tekanan. Kadar yang tinggi ini selari dengan penemuan kami di Bahagian 1 dimana ramai individu dalam golongan umur 18-24 – yang 90% merupakan pelajar – melaporkan mengalami emosi negatif, berbanding peringkat umur yang lain. Tinjauan seterusnya mendapati bahawa ini mungkin didorong oleh isu-isu berkaitan pekerjaan: maklumbalas pelajar kepada soalan terbuka (subjektif) tentang kerisauan utama mereka pasca-PKP sebahagian besar berkisar isu status mereka sebagai graduan baru di masa ketidaktentuan ekonomi. Ini turut selari dengan amaran Persekutuan Majikan Malaysia (MEF) kepada graduan tentang pasaran kerjaya yang dijangka suram pasca-PKP.

Pesara mengalami kadar kesejahteraan mental negatif terendah diantara semua golongan, dengan rata-rata hanya melaporkan tanda-tanda kesejahteraan mental negatif di peringkat sederhana atau ringan.

Rajah 3a: Perbezaan dalam tahap kemurungan berdasarkan jenis pekerjaan

Rajah 3b: Perbezaan dalam tahap keresahan berdasarkan jenis pekerjaan

Rajah 3c: Perbezaan dalam tahap tekanan berdasarkan jenis pekerjaan

Perubahan status pekerjaan, ramai yang tidak dapat bekerja semasa PKP

Salah satu kesan negatif PKP ialah kekangan terhadap aktiviti ekonomi. Ramai rakyat Malaysia yang bekerja sebelum tempoh PKP mengalami perubahan status pekerjaan mereka sepanjang tempoh PKP. (Sejak kajian mula dijalankan, Malaysia telah beralih kepada PKP Bersyarat dengan pembukaan sektor-sektor ekonomi tertentu).

Bagi mereka yang bekerja sebelum tempoh PKP, pemilik perniagaan dan mereka yang bekerja sendiri mengalami perubahan paling ketara, dengan 60% melaporkan mereka tidak dapat bekerja sepanjang tempoh PKP.

Pekerja sambilan pula paling banyak mengalami perubahan, dengan 7% dibuang kerja, 20% terpaksa mengambil cuti tanpa gaji dan 20% pula dipotong gaji.

Pekerja sepenuh masa dilihat berada dalam keadaan paling stabil dengan 88% tidak mengalami apa-apa perubahan status pekerjaan.

Rajah 4: Bagaimana status pekerjaan berubah semasa PKP

Golongan dipecat paling teruk terkesan, diikuti oleh golongan mengambil cuti tanpa gaji

Rajah 5a-5c menggambarkan sekurang-kurangnya 30% responden melangkaui semua status pekerjaan semasa tempoh PKP melaporkan mengalami emosi negatif. Mereka yang mengambil cuti tanpa gaji melaporkan kadar kemurungan tertinggi (68%) manakala golongan yang dipecat melaporkan kadar keresahan dan tekanan tertinggi (masing-masing 62%).

Di antara golongan yang dipecat, 38% melaporkan kadar kemurungan dan keresahan yang amat teruk, manakala 25% melaporkan perasaan tekanan yang amat teruk. Di kalangan mereka yang bercuti tanpa gaji, 48% melaporkan keresahan yang teruk dan amat teruk, manakala 32% melaporkan kadar kemurungan yang teruk dan amat teruk. Walau bagaimanapun, hanya 5% melaporkan kadar tekanan yang amat teruk.

Tidak menghairankan, mereka yang melaporkan bahawa tiada perubahan terhadap status pekerjaan, turut melaporkan mengalami kadar emosi negatif terendah.

Rajah 5a: Perbezaan dalam tahap kemurungan berdasarkan status pekerjaan

Rajah 5b: Perbezaan dalam tahap keresahan berdasarkan status pekerjaan

Rajah 5c: Perbezaan dalam tahap tekanan berdasarkan status pekerjaan

Kebimbangan jangka pendek dan jangka panjang

Ketidaktentuan keadaan kewangan pasca-PKP

Di akhir Bahagian 1, kami melaporkan ramai responden bimbang mengenai kesihatan serta keselamatan diri dan orang-orang tersayang. 47% responden menyatakan mereka bimbang mengenai keadaan kewangan semasa tempoh PKP berbanding 56% yang bimbang tentang tentang keadaan kewangan pasca-PKP.

Rajah 6: Kerisauan utama semasa Perintah Kawalan Pergerakan (PKP)

Kami meminta para responden untuk menyatakan maksimum tiga kebimbangan kewangan utama bagi dua tempoh masa: di waktu kajian dijalankan semasa tempoh PKP, dan kebimbangan mereka di masa hadapan setelah PKP tamat. Selari dengan kebimbangan mengenai keadaan kewangan secara keseluruhan seperti dibincangkan di atas, responden mengenalpasti lebih banyak kebimbangan kewangan di masa hadapan (pasca-PKP) berbanding semasa dalam tempoh PKP.

Dari Rajah 7, kebimbangan kewangan utama yang dikenalpasti responden adalah tidak mampu menanggung kos kecemasan perubatan, tidak mampu menanggung keperluan isi rumah serta tidak mampu membayar bil, pinjaman serta sewa atau tunggakan. Lebih ramai responden risau akan hal kecemasan perubatan semasa tempoh PKP berbanding selepas. Situasi ini terbalik bagi kebimbangan utama yang lain: walaupun terdapat kebimbangan mengenai kebolehan menanggung keluarga, membayar bil, pinjaman serta sewasepanjang tempoh PKP, lebih ramai responden yang risau tentang hal-hal ini pasca-PKP.

Rajah 7: Kebimbangan kewangan utama semasa dan selepas PKP

Lanskap Sokongan Kesihatan Mental Semasa

Terdapat peluang memperbaiki pendekatan terkini Malaysia terhadap sokongan kesihatan mental. Isu semasa berkaitan kesihatan mental dapat dikaitkan dengan kekurangan penawaran jawatan berkaitan kesihatan mental, dan hasilnya, kekurangan sumber bagi memenuhi keperluan sokongan kesihatan mental. Data terkini dari Kementerian Kesihatan menyatakan bahawa di Malaysia, terdapat 0.5 pakar psikiatri bagi setiap 100,000 individu,  manakala terdapat 0.21 ahli psikologi klinikal bagi setiap 100,000 individu. Ini lebih rendah dari cadangan Pertubuhan Kesihatan Sedunia (WHO) agar terdapat 1 pakar psikiatri bagi setiap 100,000 individu, serta median global 1.1 pakar psikologi bagi setiap 100,000 individu.

Selain dari kekurangan kepakaran, juga terdapat stigma berkaitan kesihatan mental dan gangguan mental. Walaupun terdapat usaha meningkatkan kesedaran terhadap perkara ini , ramai yang masih kurang faham tentang isu-isu berkaitan kesihatan mental. Kekeliruan tentang masalah kesihatan mental boleh membawa kepada diskriminasi, sama ada secara peribadi atau profesional, serta keengganan untuk pesakit mendapatkan bantuan. Walau bagaimanpun, semasa PKP, kelihatan ramai rakyat yang menghubungi talian bantuan atau sokongan kesihatan mental yang ditawarkan oleh Kementerian Kesihatan serta NGO-NGO. Ini mungkin menandakan adanya peningkatan keterbukaan rakyat Malaysia mendapatkan dan menerima sokongan kesihatan mental.

Namun begitu, oleh kerana infrastruktur bantuan kesihatan mental awam masih terhad, mendapatkan bantuan kesihatan mental boleh melibatkan kos yang tinggi. Kos bantuan kesihatan mental atau terapi swasta boleh mencapai RM250 setiap sesi. Juga ada kekurangan dari segi perlindungan insurans menyeluruh bagi kesihatan mental di Malaysia, dengan hanya beberapa syarikat insurans yang menawarkan perlindungan, dan dikalangan mereka, hanya untuk kes penyakit mental yang amat teruk dan tanpa gejala sedia ada.

Pertimbangan dasar

Mercy Malaysia menjangkakan peningkatan panggilan kepada talian bantuan kesihatan mental berkaitan isu psikologi melangkaui tempoh PKP. Mengambil kira jangkaan pertambahan kadar pengangguran dan ketidaktentuan ekonomi, mungkin kita bakal melihat lebih ramai rakyat Malaysia mengalami keadaan kesejahteraan mental negatif ketika bergelut dengan kesan kejatuhan ekonomi akibat COVID-19. Walaupun pakej Bantuan Prihatin Nasional telah diumumkan oleh kerajaan dengan tujuan membantu mengurangkan kesan kewangan, usaha turut perlu ditumpukan ke arah menyokong kesejahteraan mental rakyat Malaysia.

Apakah langkah-langkah yang boleh diambil untuk menambahbaik sokongan kesihatan mental kita? Pertama, ada keperluan segera untuk menangani isu kekurangan pakar kesihatan mental – peluang pekerjaan dan latihan bagi kerjaya berkaitan kesihatan mental perlu ditambah melebihi kadar sedia ada. Ini meliputi membuka peluang-peluang pekerjaan berkaitan kesihatan mental, dan juga memperbaiki akses rakyat kepada program sokongan kesihatan mental – sebagai contoh Program Minda Sihat di sekolah-sekolah.

Kedua, hasil kajian kami mendapati bahawa penghuni rumah kos rendah serta individu yang berada dalam keadaan kewangan runcing, mempunyai kebarangkalian lebih tinggi untuk mengalami kesan kesejahteraan mental negatif. Mengambil kira bahawa usaha ke arah menambah peluang pekerjaan dan latihan berkaitan kesihatan mental biasanya datang dari institusi kesihatan – kami berpendapat bahawa pendekatan komuniti dapat membantu meringankan serta mengatasi jurang kesedaran kesihatan mental dan memberi sokongan yang diperlukan oleh komuniti ini. Individu yang dikenalpasti dalam sesebuah komuniti boleh bekerjasama dengan pakar kesihatan mental bagi meningkatkan kesedaran tentang kesihatan mental di kalangan komuniti mereka serta mencadangkan sistem sokongan yang diperlukan.

Ketiga, berdasarkan kajian kami, golongan dengan status pekerjaan yang tidak menentu mengalami lebih kadar emosi negatif, dan lebih berisiko untuk menerima kesan daripada kejatuhan ekonomi. Peningkatan sokongan kesihatan mental, atau bantuan kewangan untuk membolehkan mereka mendapatkan sokongan kesihatan mental, boleh membantu mereka untuk menghadapi cabaran ekonomi mendatang. Selari dengan akses yang lebih mudah kepada kesihatan mental seperti dibincangkan di atas, kami melihat peluang sokongan lebih menyeluruh untuk dikembangkan sebagai pelengkap, merangkumi program seperti kaunseling hutang.

Turut terdapat peluang untuk mengkaji semula perlindungan insurans untuk kesihatan mental. Walaupun kami sedar adalah sukar untuk mengukur kadar masalah mental (masalah sama turut dihadapi di Amerika Syarikat), lebih banyak insentif perlu diberikan kepada syarikat insurans supaya dapat melihat isu kesihatan mental secara  menyeluruh. Ini dapat dilakukan selaras dengan peningkatan kesedaran serta menggalakkan majikan untuk memberikan lebih banyak sokongan kesihatan mental kepada pekerja-pekerja dalam tempoh mencabar ini.

Kesimpulan

Kajian ini telah mendapati bahawa pemilik perniagaan serta pekerja sendiri mengalami kesan pengurangan pendapatan drastik sepanjang tempoh PKP, manakala pekerja sambilan serta penganggur melaporkan mengalami kadar kesejahteraan mental negatif yang tertinggi. Mereka yang dipecat ataupun terpaksa mengambil cuti tanpa gaji turut mengalami kadar kesejahteraan mental negatif tertinggi. Tidak menghairankan, golongan-golongan ini merupakan yang paling rentan dimasa ketidaktentuan ekonomi.

Walaupun mengambil kira kepentingan isu ini, perbincangan tentang kesihatan mental hanya mendapat perhatian dalam beberapa tahun terakhir ini. Covid-19 dan PKP, walaupun telah memperburuk kadar kesejahteraan mental, juga memberikan kita kesedaran bahawa apa yang kita saksikan hanyalah episod terkini dalam rentetan berpanjangan masalah kesejahteraan dan kesihatan mental rakyat. Pada Mac, lebih 610,000 rakyat Malaysia telah dibuang kerja akibat perusahaan-perusahaan berhadapan kerugian yang serius sepanjang tempoh PKP. Angka ini dijangka akan terus meningkat dalam bulan-bulan akan datang, tatkala kita berhadapan dengan kejatuhan ekonomi dunia.

Situasi semasa telah memanggil kita untuk memastikan penambahbaikan sistem sokongan kesihatan mental di Malaysia. Walaupun kerajaan telah mengumumkan skim perlindungan kewangan bagi golongan-golongan terbabit, kami mendapati bahawa kesan PKP terhadap kesejahteraan mental melangkaui penyelesaian krisis perubatan awam ini. Langkah selanjutnya, melampaui memupuk kesedaran, adalah untuk melakukan perubahan secara sistematik dan menterjemahkan maklum balas tentang keadaan kesihatan mental ke dalam bentuk polisi yang berkesan.

PKP dan Kesejahteraan Mental: Rumahku Syurgaku?

Sedar atau tidak, sudah masuk hampir tiga bulan rakyat Malaysia berada di bawah Perintah Kawalan Pergerakan (PKP) dan Perintah Kawalan Pergerakan Bersyarat (PKPB). Impak PKP ke atas kesihatan mental rakyat Malaysia telah mula kelihatan. Sejak permulaan PKP, talian bantuan psikologi Mercy Malaysia/Kementerian Kesihatan Malaysia telah menerima ribuan pesanan serta panggilan. Kumpulan sokongan seperti Befrienders turut menyaksikan peningkatan yang mendadak dari segi jumlah panggilan, dengan dua-pertiga daripadanya berkaitan PKP.

Kesihatan mental jelas mempunyai kesan ketara terhadap ekonomi: kajian oleh RELATE mendapati pada tahun 2018, kos berkaitan isu kesihatan mental di kalangan pekerja dianggarkan bernilai sebanyak RM14 bilion atau 1% dari KDNK. Berdasarkan dapatan ini dan kebimbangan yang meningkat terhadap isu kesejahteraan mental sepanjang tempoh PKP, The Centre telah menjalankan kajian terhadap kesan perubahan-perubahan drastik yang dibawa oleh PKP ke atas kesejahteraan mental rakyat Malaysia. Artikel ini – Bahagian 1 – tertumpu kepada keadaan persekitaran dan tempat tinggal semasa PKP, dan Bahagian 2 akan membincangkan kesejahteraan kewangan.

Tentang Kajian

Kajian dijalankan melalui survei atas talian yang diedarkan melalui kaedah ‘snowball sampling’ (pemilihan secara tidak rawak) antara April 5 dan April 10. Setelah berunding dengan pakar psikiatri dan psikologi, kami telah memutuskan untuk menggunakan kaji selidik DASS-21 untuk mengukur kadar kesejahteraan mental.

Kaji selidik DASS-21 digunakan untuk mengukur kadar kemurungan, keresahan dan stres. Ia tidak digunakan dalam kajian ini untuk mendiagnosis kemurungan, keresahan atau stres sebagai masalah kesihatan.

Kaji selidik DASS-21 mengukur kadar kesejahteraan emosi individu dari tiga aspek berbeza: kemurungan, keresahan dan stres. Bagi kemurungan, ia melihat dari sudut rasa tidak puas hati secara am, keputusasaan dan kehilangan minat. Bagi keresahan, ia melihat reaksi fizikal terhadap situasi serta pengalaman keresahan secara am. Bagi stres, ia menilai kesukaran untuk menenangkan diri, kegelisahan, ketidaksabaran serta reaksi berlebihan.

Walaupun penilaian DASS-21 boleh digunakan oleh semua pihak untuk penyelidikan seperti kajian ini, keputusan klinikal berdasarkan pemarkahan hanya boleh diambil oleh pakar perubatan setelah pemeriksaan klinikal terperinci dilakukan.

Melalui kaji selidik ini, kesejahteraan mental boleh dikenal pasti berdasarkan penilaian individu itu sendiri terhadap keadaan mental mereka, dan bukan hanya dengan membuat andaian berdasarkan faktor luaran. Markah-markah dari jawapan mereka kepada soalan-soalan DASS21 bagi dimensi kemurungan, keresahan dan stres kemudiannya diklasifikasikan kepada beberapa peringkat bermula dari normal, ringan, sederhana, teruk dan amat teruk (lihat rajah 1).

Jadual 1: Skala DASS-21

Kajian ini berjaya mengumpulkan 1,103 respons, di mana 19 darinya  telah ditolak kerana pengulangan atau jawapan yang tidak menurut piawaian. Jumlah sampel akhir adalah 1,084. Seperti kebanyakan kaji selidik, masalah responden terkurang atau terlebih memberi maklum balas boleh berlaku. Ini telah dikenalpasti dan tidak dimasukkan ke dalam kajian.

Memandangkan kaedah ‘snowball sampling’ telah digunakan, maklumbalas kami tidak mewakili sampel berstrata nasional. 57% responden dikenal pasti tinggal di kawasan bandar, dengan 76% dari Selangor dan Kuala Lumpur. 66% dari responden adalah perempuan, 81% Melayu/Bumiputera dan 42% dari kalangan umur 25-34. Pembaca dinasihatkan mentafsir hasil kajian dengan mengambil kira kekangan-kekangan ini.  

Kesejahteraan Mental semasa PKP

MAKLUMAN: Seperti ditekankan sebelum ini, kajian ini bukan bagi tujuan diagnostik – kami tidak mendiagnosis responden dengan kemurungan, keresahan atau tekanan sebagai masalah kesihatan. Maklum balas kaji selidik DASS-21 hanya mengukur kadar intensiti perasaan kemurungan, keresahan atau tekanan seperti dilaporkan sendiri oleh para responden.

Rajah 1 menyimpulkan dapatan kami tentang kesejahteraan mental para responden. Survei kami mendapati rakyat Malaysia melaporkan kadar emosi negatif yang tinggi semasa tempoh PKP. 48% dan 45% dari responden melaporkan mengalami keresahan dan kemurungan dengan kadar tingkat yang berbeza-beza, sementara 34% melaporkan mengalami tekanan, juga dengan kadar tingkat yang berbeza. Dari jumlah ini, 22% responden melaporkan kadar tekanan yang teruk atau amat teruk, manakala 20% dan 15% melaporkan kadar keresahan dan kemurungan yang teruk dan amat teruk.

Malangnya, kami tidak berjaya menemui kadar nasional garis dasar ‘waktu biasa’ untuk dibandingkan dengan kadar ini. Walaubagaimanapun, ketiadaan garis dasar tidak menafikan kesan serius kadar emosi negatif yang dialami rakyat Malaysia sepanjang PKP.

Rajah 1: Hampir separuh mengalami emosi negatif

Perbezaan Demografi

Gender

Rajah 2a-2c menunjukkan perbezaan kadar kemurungan, keresahan dan tekanan antara gender. Perempuan melaporkan kadar emosi negatif yang ketara lebih tinggi berbanding lelaki. Perbezaan antara perempuan dan lelaki juga lebih ketara bagi kemurungan dan keresahan, dimana 38% dan 48% perempuan melaporkan mereka mengalami kedua-dua emosi negatif ini, berbanding 25% dan 38% untuk lelaki.

Perempuan turut merekodkan kadar kemurungan, keresahan dan tekanan di kadar ‘teruk’ dan ‘amat teruk’ yang lebih tinggi (21%, 26% dan 18%) berbanding lelaki (14%, 15%, 10%).

Rajah 2a: Perbezaan antara Gender bagi Kadar Kemurungan

Rajah 2b: Perbezaan antara Gender bagi Kadar Keresahan

Rajah 2c: Perbezaan antara Gender bagi Kadar Tekanan

Umur

Berdasarkan Rajah 3a-3c, kami mendapati bahawa 60% dari golongan berumur 18-24 dan 25-34 melaporkan mengalami tanda-tanda kemurungan, manakala 50% dari golongan yang sama melaporkan tanda-tanda keresahan dan tekanan. Sebagai perbandingan, hanya 14% hingga 39% dari golongan lebih tua (35-44, 45-54, dan 55 ke atas) melaporkan tanda-tanda yang sama.

Dari segi kadar tanda-tanda emosi negatif yang dilaporkan, responden dari golongan umur 18-24 dan 25-34 merekodkan dua hingga tiga kali ganda lebih banyak tanda-tanda di kadar teruk dan amat teruk, berbanding golongan berumur 55 ke atas. Kira-kira 25% dari golongan muda melaporkan kadar tekanan yang teruk dan amat teruk, manakala kira-kira 33% melaporkan tanda-tanda keresahan dan kemurungan di kadar yang sama.

Rajah 3a: Perbezaan Kadar Kemurungan berdasarkan Umur

Rajah 3b: Perbezaan Kadar Keresahan berdasarkan Golongan Umur

Rajah 3c: Perbezaan Kadar Tekanan berdasarkan Golongan Umur

Keadaan hidup, PKP dan kesejahteraan mental

Kami bertanyakan responden beberapa soalan mengenai tempat tinggal mereka, dengan siapa mereka tinggal dan akses kepada ruangan peribadi sepanjang PKP.

Bagi kawasan tempat tinggal, 57% dari responden berada di bandar, sementara 42% berada di pinggir bandar dan luar bandar. Dari segi jenis rumah, 48% melaporkan tinggal di rumah teres, diikuti 22% penghuni kondominium dan apartment, manakala 3% merupakan penduduk rumah kos rendah.

Bagi tujuan analisa ini, kami mengecualikan responden yang tinggal di asrama. Jawapan di luar dari pilihan lazim juga dikecualikan.

Rajah 4: Jenis perumahan di kawasan pembandaran

Adakah jenis kediaman yang berbeza memberi kesan terhadap kesejahteraan mental?

Rajah 5a-5c menyimpulkan kesan jenis rumah kepada kesejahteraan mental. Kadar kemurungan dilaporkan hampir sama bagi setiap jenis kediaman kecuali bungalow dan kediaman berkembar.

Walaubagaimanapun, apabila merujuk kadar keresahan dan tekanan, kebolehubahan antara jenis-jenis kediaman adalah lebih ketara – sebagai contoh: mereka yang tinggal di kediaman kos rendah serta apartment/kondominium melaporkan kadar keresahan dan tekanan yang lebih tinggi berbanding penghuni jenis-jenis kediaman lain.

Secara keseluruhan, penghuni kediaman kos rendah mengalami kadar kemurungan, keresahan dan tekanan yang tertinggi dan melaporkan tanda-tanda emosi negatif di kadar yang lebih ekstrem, dengan 25%-32% dalam kategori teruk dan amat teruk.

Rajah 5a: Jenis kediaman dan kemurungan

Rajah 5b: Jenis kediaman dan keresahan

Rajah 5c: Jenis kediaman dan tekanan

Kesesakan dan kesejahteraan mental

Selain dari jenis kediaman, kami juga menilai kesan kesesakan terhadap kesejahteraan mental. Kami menanyakan responden jumlah bilik dan ruangan di dalam kediaman mereka dan jumlah bilangan isi rumah. (Responden turut ditanya tentang keluasan persegi unit kediaman mereka, tetapi hanya 40% memberikan anggaran keluasan).

Secara purata, responden melaporkan tinggal dengan tiga individu lain sepanjang tempoh PKP (jumlah isi rumah per unit: 4). Rata-rata unit kediaman memiliki 3 bilik tidur, 1 bilik mandi, 1 dapur dan 1 ruang tamu.

Kami mengukur kadar kesesakan dengan mengira nisbah individu kepada bilik tidur. Nisbah ini kemudiannya dibahagikan kepada tiga kelompok: rendah, sederhana dan tinggi, merujuk kepada pertambahan perbandingan individu dengan bilik tidur.

NOTA: Kaedah ini hanyalah indikasi mudah bagi mengukur kesesakan, dan tidak mengambil kira hubungan antara individu-individu dalam satu unit kediaman, yang turut mempunyai pengaruh terhadap kesejahteraan mental.

Rajah 6a menunjukkan bahawa individu yang tinggal di kediaman dengan tingkat kepadatan sederhana menunjukkan kadar tekanan yang sebanding dengan mereka dalam kategori kepadatan isi rumah rendah atau tinggi. Namun begitu, keparahan emosi negatif yang dilaporkan oleh penghuni isi rumah berkepadatan tinggi adalah lebih tinggi (28%) dari kadar yang dilaporkan responden dari isi rumah dengan berkepadatan rendah (19%). 

Tren yang sama dapat dilihat bagi kadar keresahan (Rajah 6b): lebih ramai responden yang tinggal di kediaman berkepadatan sederhana melaporkan mengalami keresahan, namun mereka yang melaporkan tanda-tanda emosi negatif yang lebih parah adalah dari isi rumah berkepadatan tinggi.

Bagi tekanan (Rajah 6c), responden dari isi rumah dengan tingkat kesesakan tinggi melaporkan kadar tekanan yang sedikit lebih tinggi (37%) berbanding isi rumah kesesakan rendah (33%) dan sederhana (36%). Kadar tekanan teruk dan amat teruk adalah lebih tinggi (19%) bagi isi rumah sesak, berbanding kurang sesak (14%) dan sederhana sesak (16%).

Rajah 6a: Tingkat kesesakan dan kemurungan

Rajah 6b: Tingkat kesesakan dan keresahan

Rajah 6c: Tingkat kesesakan dan tekanan

Di kalangan responden yang tinggal di kediaman dengan kesesakan rendah, juga ada mereka mempunyai status penghuni tunggal. Mereka merupakan individu yang menghabiskan tempoh PKP secara terasing kerana mereka tinggal bersendirian. Kami membandingkan kadar emosi negatif yang dialami oleh golongan ini berbanding mereka yang tinggal bersama orang lain semasa PKP.

Rajah 7a-7c menunjukkan kadar kemurungan, keresahan dan tekanan dialami, berdasarkan penghunian isi rumah. Responden dibahagikan kepada mereka yang tinggal bersendirian (penghuni tunggal), tinggal bersama orang lain (penghuni pelbagai)  atau mereka yang tinggal bersama isi rumah yang terdiri dari pelbagai generasi (penghuni intergenerasi). (Bagi tujuan analisa ini, isi rumah antara generasi ditakrifkan sebagai isi rumah berpenghuni pelbagai dengan anggota keluarga dari beberapa generasi misalnya atuk-nenek, ibu bapa dan anak-anak).

Kadar emosi negatif dialami oleh penghuni isi rumah tunggal adalah jauh lebih tinggi berbanding mereka yang tinggal bersama individu lain. 54% penghuni isi rumah tinggal melaporkan tanda-tanda kemurungan, diikuti oleh 50% dan 37% menunjukkan tanda-tanda keresahan dan tekanan. Oleh itu adalah tidak mengejutkan apabila isi rumah tunggal turut melaporkan kadar emosi negatif teruk dan sangat teruk yang tinggi.

Responden dari kumpulan penghuni intergenerasi melaporkan kadar kemurungan teruk dan amat teruk yang sedikit lebih rendah (Rajah 7a), sementara kadar keresahan teruk dan amat teruk (Rajah 7b) adalah setanding bagi ketiga-tiga kumpulan. Walaubagaimanapun, kadar tekanan teruk dan amat teruk (Rajah 7c) yang dilaporkan oleh individidu yang berada dalam isi rumah antara generasi adalah setanding dengan isi rumah tunggal.

Rajah 7a: Penghunian Isi Rumah dan Kemurungan

Rajah 7b: Penghunian Isi Rumah dan Keresahan

Rajah 7c: Penghunian Isi Rumah dan Tekanan

Ruang peribadi dan kadar kepuasan terhadap keadaan tempat tinggal

Kami turut bertanyakan responden dua soalan mengenai keadaan tempat tinggal mereka semasa PKP: 1) Adakah mereka mempunyai akses kepada ruang persendirian atau ruang peribadi, dan 2) Adakah mereka berpuas hati dengan keadaan tempat tinggal sekarang.

78% dari responden memberikan indikasi bahawa mereka mempunyai ruang untuk menyendiri/ruangan peribadi dan 82% melaporkan berpuashati dengan keadaan tempat tinggal sepanjang tempoh PKP.

Dari Rajah 8a-8c, kami mendapati bahawa mereka yang tidak mempunyai akses kepada ruangan peribadi melaporkan kadar kemurungan, keresahan dan tekanan yang lebih tinggi. Tidak menghairankan, tren yang sama turut dapat dilihat dikalangan mereka yang tidak berpuashati dengan keadaan tempat tinggal.

Walaubagaimanapun, perbandingan antara kedua-dua kumpulan menunjukkan bahawa lebih ramai di kalangan mereka yang tidak berpuashati dengan keadaan tempat tinggal, melaporkan tanda-tanda kemurungan (76%), keresahan (70%) dan tekanan (63%), berbanding mereka yang tidak mempunyai akses kepada ruangan peribadi (56%, 51% dan 42% masing-masing).

Rajah 8a: Keadaan tempat tinggal semasa PKP dan tekanan

Rajah 8b: Keadaan tempat tinggal semasa PKP dan keresahan

Rajah 8c: Keadaan tempat tinggal semasa PKP dan tekanan

Apa yang Merisaukan Orang Ramai?

Risau tentang orang tersayang, diri sendiri

Kami juga bertanya kepada responden tentang apa yang merisaukan mereka berkenaan dengan PKP. Walaupun ini bukan merupakan fokus utama kajian kami, respons yang diperolehi memberikan gambaran yang menarik: sepanjang PKP, responden jauh lebih risaukan orang tersayang mereka berbanding diri sendiri. 62% melaporkan mereka risaukan kesihatan diri, berbanding 81% yang melahirkan kerisauan terhadap kesihatan orang tersayang. Begitu juga dengan keselamatan diri:  61% melaporkan risau dengan keselamatan diri, berbanding 76% risau keselamatan orang tersayang.

Satu lagi pemerhatian menarik adalah responden lebih risau terhadap keadaan kewangan peribadi setelah PKP (56%) berbanding sepanjang tempoh PKP (47%). Ini mungkin menandakan kepekaan responden terhadap kesan kejatuhan ekonomi sepanjang PKP, yang mungkin akan berpanjangan sekalipun PKP telah tamat. (Perbincangan lebih terperinci tentang kesan kewangan disebabkan PKP akan dibincangkan dalam Bahagian 2).

Rajah 9: Kerisauan Utama sepanjang tempoh Perintah Kawalan Pergerakan(PKP) Covid-19

Pertimbangan Dasar

Kajian ini telah mendedahkan penemuan yang membimbangkan, namun tidak mengejutkan: hampir 50% responden mengalami beberapa bentuk keadaan emosi negatif: 22% melaporkan mengalami keresahan teruk dan amat teruk, manakala 20% dan 15% mengalami kemurungan dan tekanan di kadar yang sama. (Dengan ketiadaan garis dasar rujukan, kami tidak dapat membuat perbandingan kadar ini dengan kadar-kadar di luar masa krisis).

Adalah penting untuk difahami bahawa isu-isu kesihatan mental yang kita hadapi bukan baru muncul sepanjang tempoh PKP, atau khusus disebabkan oleh Covid-19. Namun begitu, tempoh PKP telah memberi fokus kepada keparahan masalah ini, dan perlunya tindakan diambil dengan kadar segera. ‘Norma baru’ yang sering digunakan bagi merujuk dunia selepas Covid-19 memberikan peluang untuk membuat perubahan dan penyesuaian yang diperlukan.

Kepentingan kesihatan mental kepada negara dan ekonomi bermakna kita seharusnya mementingkan penambahbaikan dan membangunkan perkhidmatan serta sokongan kesihatan mental. Angka terbaru menganggarkan terdapat kira-kira 700 orang pakar psikologi dan 400 orang pakar psikiatri di Malaysia. Dalam negara di mana dianggarkan terdapat 32 juta penduduk, terdapat keperluan jelas untuk menambahkan jumlah pakar kesihatan mental terlatih serta kaunselor dan sukarelawan terlatih, agar akses kepada kesihatan mental dapat diperluaskan kepada seluruh lapisan masyarakat. Sepertimana ditunjukkan oleh kajian kami, kemurungan, keresahan dan tekanan dilaporkan oleh responden tidak kira yang tinggal di rumah kos rendah atau bungalow mewah.

Usaha untuk menghapuskan stigma terhadap kesihatan mental juga perlu dipertingkatkan. Antara contoh inisiatif yang boleh dijalankan ialah meningkatkan kefahaman tentang kesejahteraan mental sebagai sebahagian silibus pendidikan, serta memperbaiki kesedaran terhadap kesihatan mental di tempat kerja.

PKP turut mendedahkan sifat sebenar ketidaksamaan, termasuk dari segi tempat kediaman kita. Dasar-dasar yang berkaitan dengan piawaian tempat kediaman, contohnya, harus memberikan pertimbangan kepada impak ruang kediaman ke atas kesejahteraan mental, terutamanya bagi golongan masyarakat paling rentan yang tinggal di kediaman kos rendah.



Dalam Bahagian 2, kajian kami tertumpu kepada persoalan bagaimana PKP telah memberi kesan terhadap keadaan kewangan.

Sekiranya anda mengalami gangguan emosi atau masalah kesihatan mental akibat dari PKP, anda boleh mendapatkan bantuan melalui talian-talian hotline berikut: Mercy Malaysia dan Kementerian Kesihatan Malaysia ‘Crisis Preparedness and Response Centre’s psychosocial support hotline’ di 03-29359935; serta hotline Talian Kasih Kementerian Pembangunan Wanita dan Keluarga di 15999 atau WhatsApp 019-2615999.

Pengajaran dari Covid-19: Memikirkan Semula Piawaian Perumahan Bagi Pekerja Migran di Malaysia

Bashor Ahmad, seorang pekerja migran yang tinggal di Selangor Mansion, berkongsi unit pangsapuri seluas 900 kaki persegi dengan 15 orang lain. Dalam ulasan beliau di akhbar The Star, beliau meratapi keadaan di mana hampir mustahil penjarakkan sosial boleh dilakukan dalam keadaan rumah seperti itu. “Semua orang hanya boleh memilih sudut untuk duduk dan kami hampir tidak bercakap antara satu sama lain.”

Komuniti migran di seluruh dunia adalah antara yang paling ramai terkesan dengan wabak COVID-19 dan mereka di Malaysia juga tidak terkecuali. Mengambil Menara City One, Selangor Mansion dan Malayan Mansion sebagai contoh, Ketua Pengarah Kesihatan Datuk Dr Noor Hisham Abdullah telah mengaitkan kelompok Covid-19 terbaru di kalangan pekerja migran dengan keadaan hidup mereka yang sesak dan serba kekurangan.

Setakat ini, selain dari yang disebut di atas, juga telah ada kelompok jangkitan Covid-19 dari kalangan pekerja migran dilaporkan, termasuk satu dari Pasar Selayang, tapak pembinaan Pavilion Embassy, dan tapak pembinaan Setia Alam. Sehingga 10 Mei 2020, 17% dari jumlah kes Covid-19 di Malaysia datang dari kalangan pekerja migran. 

Pihak berkuasa berusaha untuk mengelakkan lonjakan jangkitan seperti yang berlaku di Singapura; di mana berlakunya peningkatan jangkitan disebabkan oleh penyebaran virus di asrama pekerja migran. Buat masa sekarang, kerajaan Malaysia memberi prioriti ujian saringan Covid-19 kepada kelompok pekerja migran berisiko tinggi di kalangan mereka yang bekerja di sektor pembinaan dan pengawal keselamatan di Lembah Klang. Kementerian Wilayah Persekutuan juga telah mengeluarkan arahan untuk menghentikan penggunaan pekerja migran di pasar borong, walaupun ianya agak kurang praktikal untuk dilaksanakan.

Walau bagaimanapun, hakikatnya, akar umbi masalah ini ialah keadaan ruang hidup pekerja migran, dan inilah yang perlu ditangani.

Realiti keadaan hidup pekerja migran

Kes Selangor Mansion memberikan satu contoh tipikal keadaan hidup pekerja migran di Malaysia. Setiap unit berukuran lebih kurang 800 hingga 900 kaki persegi dan mempunyai 2 hingga 3 bilik. Ada laporan yang mengatakan bahawa satu unit menempatkan rata-rata 10 pekerja migran walaupun laporan lain pula ada menunjukkan bahawa sehingga 16 hingga 24 pekerja migran didapati tinggal dalam satu unit.

Kesempitan seperti ini bermakna hanya ada ruang hidup antara 38 hingga 56 kaki persegi untuk setiap pekerja. Penjarakkan sosial hampir mustahil dalam keadaan sebegini — sila rujuk simulasi di bawah (sebelah kiri). Bagi mengurangkan penyebaran virus di unit seluas 900 kaki persegi dengan 24 penghuni, memerlukan semua penghuni untuk “memilih sudut” seperti yang digambarkan oleh Bashor dan duduk di sudut tersebut tanpa sebarang pergerakan. Namun, pada hakikatnya, manusia pasti bergerak, dan apabila berada di ruang yang begitu sempit, virus akan menyebar dengan kadar laju seperti yang ditunjukkan di sebelah kanan.

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Undang-undang semasa mengenai keadaan hidup pekerja migran

Menurut NGO Singapura, Transient Workers Count Too, sebuah bilik asrama khas untuk 20 orang pekerja migran di Singapura mempunyai ruang seluas 48.44 kaki persegi untuk seorang penghuni, yang memenuhi syarat yang ditetapkan oleh kerajaan Singapura iaitu ruang hidup minimum 48 kaki persegi untuk seorang. 

Malaysia juga mempunyai garis panduan tempat tinggal pekerja migran yang hampir sama. Piawaian tersebut merangkumi, antara lain:

  • Minimum 32.39 kaki persegi untuk setiap ruang tidur pekerja;
  • Satu tandas dan satu bilik mandi untuk setiap 15 pekerja, atau satu tandas dan satu bilik mandi yang mempunyai urinal untuk setiap 25 pekerja; dan
  • Tilam untuk setiap pekerja seluas 18.30 kaki persegi.

Pada bulan Julai 2019, Rang Undang-Undang Standard Minimum Perumahan dan Kemudahan Pekerja (Pindaan) diluluskan. Walaupun pindaan itu mengandungi syarat tambahan yang penting, seperti tempat tinggal yang berasingan untuk pekerja yang berlainan jantina, tetapi garis panduan minimum untuk ruang tempat tinggal tetap seperti yang disebutkan di atas.

Piawaian ini agak berbeza dengan garis panduan untuk penginapan berbilang orang seperti asrama pelajar. Garis panduan asrama pelajar di Selangor, misalnya, menetapkan maksimum 8 penduduk ke unit asrama berukuran 850 kaki persegi, yang membolehkan setiap penghuni mempunyai ruang seluas 106.25 kaki persegi. Ilustrasi di bawah menunjukkan perbezaan antara garis panduan tempat tinggal untuk pekerja migran berbanding pelajar:

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Pandemik Covid-19 telah memaksa kita untuk menghadapi persoalan yang lama, iaitu sama ada taraf keadaan hidup pekerja asing selamat dan berperikemanusiaan. Pandemik ini juga telah memaksa kita berdepan dengan masalah penguatkuasaan taraf ini.

Walaupun taraf tempat tinggal ditingkatkan, undang-undang tidak mewajibkan majikan untuk menyediakan perumahan dan tempat tinggal kepada pekerjanya. Akibatnya, kebanyakan pekerja migran di Malaysia membayar untuk penginapan mereka sendiri dan untuk menjimatkan wang, mereka tinggal di unit sempit dengan ramai orang. Ada kalanya, jumlah pekerja yang tinggal dalam satu unit lebih ramai dari yang dibenarkan. Jelas bahawa selain mempunyai piawaian yang lebih baik, penguatkuasaan piawaian akan menjadi aspek penting dalam dunia Covid-19.

Covid-19 dan keadaan hidup pekerja migran yang lebih baik

Pertubuhan Kesihatan Sedunia (WHO) telah menekankan bahawa ruang dalaman rumah yang mencukupi sangat penting untuk kesihatan. Namun, dalam dunia Covid-19, pengertian tentang apa yang menjadi ruang hidup yang mencukupi perlu dikaji semula, bukan hanya untuk tujuan kesejahteraan diri tetapi juga untuk pertimbangan kesihatan awam. Sustainable Agriculture Network and Rainforest Alliance Standard 2005 telah mengesyorkan ruang tidur seluas 53.82 kaki persegi setiap orang di asrama, yang lebih tinggi daripada garis panduan semasa Malaysia. Kemungkinan juga cadangan ini sendiri perlu dikemaskini selaras dengan dunia baharu COVID-19.

Oleh sebab pihak berkuasa terus mengambil langkah-langkah penjarakan sosial dengan segera di antara pekerja migran, seperti mengurangkan kepadatan asrama dan memindahkan pekerja ke ruang sementara, penggubal undang – undang juga perlu menetapkan garis panduan tempat tinggal yang sesuai dengan dunia Covid- 19.

Kami mencadangkan peningkatan garis panduan minimum tempat tinggal pekerja migran ke tahap yang di nasihatkan dan diluluskan oleh ahli epidemiologi dan pihak kesihatan awam. Kami juga menggesa kajian semula ke atas tanggungjawab majikan dalam memastikan garis panduan tempat tinggal dipatuhi, sama ada di asrama yang dibina khas atau di rumah kos rendah.

Pengendalian pekerja migran di era Covid-19

Mempertimbangkan semula keadaan perumahan pekerja migran dan memastikan ia selamat dan selesa hanya satu daripada berbagai aspek isu pekerja migran yang timbul semasa pandemik Covid-19 ini.  Selain daripada taraf penginapan minimum, akses kepada hospital atau klinik dan juga layanan terhadap pendatang tanpa dokumen telah menimbulkan persoalan tentang tanggungjawab negara terhadap pekerja migran.

Keadaan di pusat tahanan

Sekiranya ditangkap, pekerja migran tanpa dokumen menghadapi risiko tambahan penyebaran virus di sel tahanan yang sesak. Pelbagai laporan dari mereka yang di tahan di beberapa pusat tahanan Malaysia telah menggambarkan keadaan yang melampau dan juga layanan yang tidak berperikemanusiaan.

Dalam laporan tahun 2017, Suruhanjaya Hak Asasi Manusia Malaysia (SUHAKAM) mendedahkan bahawa lebih dari 100 orang asing telah mati di pusat tahanan Malaysia, termasuk dari penyakit yang disebabkan oleh keadaan sanitasi dan makanan yang kurang memuaskan/teruk, penderaan fizikal, dan kurang perhatian perubatan.

Depoh tahanan menjadi perhatian ramai dalam dua-tiga hari kebelakangan ini, di mana sehingga 26 Mei 2020, sebanyak 383 kes telah dilaporkan di tiga Depoh Tahanan Imigresen (DTI) — Sepang, Bukit Jalil, dan Semenyih.

Akses kepada perkhidmatan kesihatan memang menjadi masalah bagi masyarakat migran – tetapi dalam situasi pandemik, hal ini telah menjadi sangat penting. Namun, pemeriksaan kesihatan penuh mempunyai risiko yang tinggi untuk mereka yang tiada dokumen sah kerana doktor yang mejalankan rawatan diwajibkan melaporkan mereka kepada pihak berkuasa. Kami bersetuju dengan tuntutan untuk penangguhan kesalahan imigresen sehingga berakhirnya wabak ini untuk menggalakkan pendatang tanpa dokumen yang mempunyai simptom untuk tampil ke hadapan dan mendapatkan rawatan di bawah kuarantin.

Terdapat lebih dari 2 juta pekerja migran di Malaysia, dan dianggarkan 3 juta migran tanpa dokumen. Keperluan untuk membendung penyebaran Covid-19 telah memaksa kita untuk berdepan semula dengan dasar – dasar lama tentang taraf hidup pekerja migran. Walaupun pembaharuan dasar yang memperbaiki piawaian adalah perkara yang perlu dilakukan, tetapi hal ini juga akan meningkatkan kos buruh migran, terutamanya di sektor-sektor yang sangat bergantung kepada buruh migran seperti pembinaan dan perladangan. Norma baharu berkaitan dengan pekerja migran akan menjadi salah satu kesan daripada COVID-19 di Malaysia dan di seluruh dunia.

Covid-19 Lessons: Rethinking Housing Standards For Migrant Workers In Malaysia

Bashor Ahmad, a migrant worker who lives in Selangor Mansion, shares a 900sq ft apartment unit with 15 other people. Commenting to The Star, he lamented that social distancing is near impossible to practice in such living conditions. “Everyone has just picked a corner to sit in and we hardly speak to one another”. 

Migrant workers around the world are among those most affected by the Covid-19 pandemic and Malaysia’s is no exception. Citing Menara City One, the Selangor Mansion and Malayan Mansion flats as examples, Health Director General Datuk Dr Noor Hisham Abdullah has attributed new Covid-19 clusters among migrant workers to their dire and crowded living conditions.

More migrant worker Covid-19 clusters have since been reported, including one at the Selayang market, Pavilion Embassy construction site, and the Setia Alam construction site.  As of 10th May 2020, migrant workers account for 17% of total Covid-19 cases in Malaysia.

The authorities are trying to avoid a Singapore-like surge of infections which was fed by viral spreading within migrant worker dormitories. In the immediate term, Malaysia’s government appears to be prioritising high-risk migrant worker groups by providing testing to those in the construction and security guard sectors in the Klang Valley. A Federal Territory directive to stop migrant workers from working in wholesale markets has also been issued, though this will be very costly if not impracticable.

Ultimately, the root of the problem – namely migrant workers’ living conditions – will need to be addressed.

The reality of migrant workers’ living conditions

The case of Selangor Mansion provides one typical example of migrant workers’ living conditions in Malaysia. Each unit is approximately 800 to 900 square feet with 2 to 3 rooms. It has been reported that a unit houses an average of 10 migrant workers although other interviews reveal that up to 16 to 24 migrant workers can be found living in one unit.

Such concentrations leave between 38 to 56 square feet of living space for each worker. As shown in the simulation on the left below, social distancing is virtually impossible in such conditions. Minimising virus spread in a 900 square foot unit with 24 inhabitants would require everyone to literally “pick a corner” as Bashor aptly described and sit unmoving. In reality, though, human beings move around and in such tight quarters, viruses would spread naturally and quickly as shown on the right.

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Current laws on migrant worker living conditions

According to Singaporean NGO Transient Workers Count Too, a typical 20-person dorm room for migrant workers in Singapore would allow 48.44 square feet of living space per person, which complies with Singapore’s requirements that stipulates a minimum of 48 square feet of living space.

Malaysia’s current migrant worker accommodation guidelines are similar. The standards include, amongst others: 

  • A minimum of 32.39 square feet for each worker’s sleeping area;
  • One toilet and one bathroom for every 15 workers, or one toilet and one separated bathroom with urinals for every 25 workers; and
  • A mattress for each worker that is at least 18.30 square feet. 

In July 2019, the Workers’ Minimum Standard of Housing and Amenities (Amendment) Bill was passed. Although the amendment contained important additional requirements, such as separate accommodations for workers of different genders amongst others, the guidelines for minimum living spaces remain as outlined above.

These standards stand in stark contrast to guidelines for other multi-person accommodations such as student hostels. Selangor’s student hostel guidelines, for example, stipulate a maximum of 8 inhabitants to dorm units measuring 850 square feet, allowing each resident 106.25 square feet of living space. The illustration below conveys the experiential difference between the living space guidelines for migrant workers vs. students:

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The Covid-19 pandemic forces us to face the longstanding question of whether the country’s standards for migrant workers’ living conditions are safe and humane. The pandemic also makes us confront the issue of how standards are enforced.

Even if living space standards were improved, the law does not make it compulsory for employers to provide housing and accommodation to their employees. As a result, migrant workers in Malaysia mostly pay for their own accommodation and to save money, live in cramped units with numbers above what is allowed in current guidelines. Clearly, apart from having better standards, enforcement of the standards is going to be critical in a Covid-19 world.

Covid-19 and better migrant worker living conditions

The World Health Organisation (WHO) has stressed that sufficient indoor space is vital for health. In a Covid-19 world though, the notion of what constitutes sufficient living space needs to be revised, not only for purposes of personal well-being but also for public health considerations. The 2005 Sustainable Agriculture Network and Rainforest Alliance Standard recommend 53.82 square feet of sleeping space per person in dorms, which is higher than Malaysia’s current guidelines. Even this recommendation may need to be reviewed in the light of the pandemic.

As the authorities continue to effect immediate social distancing measures amongst migrant workers, such as reducing dorm density and moving workers into temporary spaces, policymakers would also need to put in place living space guidelines that are in line with the new normal of living with Covid-19.

We advocate raising the current minimums of migrant workers’ living space guidelines to levels advised and signed off by epidemiologists and public health authorities. We also urge a review of employer obligations on ensuring living space guidelines are adhered to, whether in a purpose-built dorm or in a low-cost flat.

How we treat migrant workers in the era of Covid-19

Housing migrant workers in a safe and humane way is only one of many aspects of the migrant worker issue to be considered amidst this global pandemic. Apart from minimum accommodation standards, access to healthcare as well as the treatment of undocumented migrants have raised the question of Malaysians’ responsibility towards migrant workers in these times. 

The state of detention centres
If captured, undocumented migrant workers face the additional risk of virus spread in crowded detention cells. Various first-person accounts of some of Malaysia’s detention centres detail extreme conditions as well as inhumane treatment.

In a 2017 report, the Malaysian Human Rights Commission (SUHAKAM) revealed that more than 100 foreigners had died in Malaysian detention centres, including from illness caused by poor sanitation and food, physical abuse, and a lack of medical attention.

Access to health services remains an issue for the community – important in pre-pandemic days but absolutely vital today. However, health screenings are fraught with risk, particularly for the undocumented as doctors are required to report them to the authorities. We agree with calls for a moratorium on immigration offenses until the end of the pandemic to encourage undocumented migrants with symptoms to come forward and receive care under quarantine.

There are over 2 million migrant workers in Malaysia, and an estimated 3 million who are undocumented. The imperative of containing the spread of Covid-19 has forced us to confront the true cost of longstanding policies and attitudes towards migrant workers’ living standards. Improving these standards is the right thing to do but it will also increase the cost of migrant labour particularly in heavily dependent sectors such as construction and plantations. A ‘new normal’ with regard to migrant worker employment will be one of the consequences of Covid-19 in Malaysia and around the world.

(CODED VERSION) Rethinking Housing Standards for Malaysia’s Migrant Workers

Bashor Ahmad, a migrant worker who lives in Selangor Mansion, shares a 900sq ft apartment unit with 15 other people. Commenting to The Star, he lamented that social distancing is near impossible to practice in such living conditions. “Everyone has just picked a corner to sit in and we hardly speak to one another”. 

Migrant workers around the world are among those most affected by the Covid-19 pandemic and Malaysia’s is no exception. Citing Menara City One, the Selangor Mansion and Malayan Mansion flats as examples, Health Director General Datuk Dr Noor Hisham Abdullah has attributed new Covid-19 clusters among migrant workers to their dire and crowded living conditions.

More migrant worker Covid-19 clusters have since been reported, including one at the Selayang marketPavilion Embassy construction site, and the Setia Alam construction site.  As of 10th May 2020, migrant workers account for 17% of total Covid-19 cases in Malaysia.

The authorities are trying to avoid a Singapore-like surge of infections which was fed by viral spreading within migrant worker dormitories. In the immediate term, Malaysia’s government appears to be prioritising high-risk migrant worker groups by providing testing to those in the construction and security guard sectors in the Klang Valley. A Federal Territory directive to stop migrant workers from working in wholesale markets has also been issued, though this will be very costly if not impracticable.

Ultimately, the root of the problem – namely migrant workers’ living conditions – will need to be addressed.

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How the MCO Affected Income, Jobs, and Mental Well-Being

In Part 1 of our mental well-being study published on 28 April, we found that over 50% of the survey respondents reported experiencing negative emotions. Immediate living conditions during the Movement Control Order (MCO) such as the number of occupants in a household and the type of home people lived in affected the mental well-being of Malaysians.

In Part 2, we explore how changes in employment and income during the MCO affect mental well-being as measured using the DASS-21 questionnaire. While we explore mental well-being, our study does not diagnose depression, anxiety and stress as a medical condition. For more details on how the DASS-21 questionnaire was applied and the study’s overall methodology, please refer to Part 1.

Sample

For the analysis in Part 2, we used a sub-sample of 720 respondents from the 1084 responses that we initially collected. The reduction in observations were due to incomplete and irregular household income related data provided by respondents. The elimination of problematic observations allowed us to provide a more accurate picture of the current financial predicaments faced by our respondents.

The demographic breakdown of the sub-sample was similar to the overall sample (which is available in Part 1): 59% of our respondents were living in urban areas, with 70% coming from Selangor and Kuala Lumpur. 63% of the respondents were female, 82% were Malay/Bumiputera and 42% were between the ages of 24-34. Additionally, the average respondent also reported having three financial dependents.


As in Part 1, our responses do not represent a nationally stratified sample. With surveys, under and over reporting can occur, and outliers have been omitted. The results should be viewed with these limitations in mind.

How have household incomes changed during the MCO?

Income reductions all round

We asked respondents to report their household income before and during the MCO period.  Overall, the average reported household income before and during the MCO was RM8,790 and RM7,773 respectively. (This figure is higher than the national average, but is reflective of the concentration of our respondents in Selangor and KL where average household income is higher).

In Part 1 of the study, we examined living conditions and household types. Grouping income by household type (Figure 1a), we observe that levels of average household income differ by housing type, with more affluent households living in bungalows/semi-detached housing or apartments and condominiums, and those with the lowest income levels living in low cost housing. On average the difference between income before and during the MCO was RM1,008.

Figure 1a: Average Household Income Before and During MCO by Housing Type

We also analysed income by different employment types. The difference in average household income before and during the MCO here is more stark (Figure 1b). Part time employees, the self-employed and business owners saw their income reduced by over half. Part-time employees were the most affected, with their average pay reduced by 50%, closely followed by business-owners who reported a 48% reduction in income. Full-time employees were the most stable among all employment types, reporting a 3% income reduction.

Figure 1b: Average Household Income Before and During MCO by Employment Type

A decrease in income, an increase in negative mental well-being

Figures 2a-2c report how changes in income affected mental well-being. Unsurprisingly, 54% of of those who reported a decrease in income also reported experiencing depression and approximately 40% reported experiencing anxiety and stress. Approximately a quarter reported experiencing severe and extremely severe depression and anxiety, with 18% reporting similar levels of stress. 

Conversely, those who reported an income increase experienced normal levels of overall mental well-being, apart from depression, where 43% of respondents reported experiencing mild to moderate signs of depression.

Figure 2a: Changes in income and its effects on depression levels

Figure 2b: Changes in income and its effects on anxiety levels

Figure 2c: Changes in income and its effects on stress levels

Mental Well-Being and Employment

Students and the unemployed experiencing most negative mental well-being

Figures 3a-3c show that students and the unemployed consistently experience the most negative mental well-being across all three dimensions, with part-time employees in third place.

Part-time employees and the unemployed reported experiencing higher levels of severe negative mental well-being. 27% and 38% of part-time employees and the unemployed respectively reported experiencing extremely severe and severe signs of depression – compared to 20% or less in other groups (except students).  A similar trend emerges in the anxiety dimension, with both part-time employees and the unemployed respectively experiencing 34% and 29% of extremely severe and severe anxiety.

Meanwhile, 62% and 58% of students reported experiencing signs of anxiety and depression respectively, with 40% reporting stress. These high percentages correspond with our findings in Part 1 where those between ages 18-24 were more likely to report experiencing negatively emotions compared to other age groups – 90% of the 18-24 year olds in the sample were students. Qualitative data suggests that this may be driven by employment issues: student responses to an open-ended question asking what their main worries post-MCO were largely identified being fresh graduates at a time of economic uncertainty as a major concern. Indeed, the Malaysian Employers Federation warned fresh graduates of a bleak job market post-MCO due to business taking cost-cutting measures.

Retirees experience the least negative mental well-being across the board, typically only reporting moderate or mild signals of negative mental well-being.

Figure 3a: Differences in reported levels of depression by employment type

Figure 3b: Differences in reported levels of anxiety by employment type

Figure 3c: Differences in reported levels of stress by employment type

Change in employment status, many unable to work during MCO

The MCO meant limitations on economic activity and many Malaysians in the workforce prior to the MCO experienced a change in their work status during the MCO. (Since the study was undertaken, Malaysia has now moved to a conditional MCO with certain economic sectors reopening).

Of those in employ before the MCO, business owners and the self-employed experienced the most change, with approximately 60% reporting they were unable to work during the MCO period. Part-time employees experienced the highest levels of retrenchment (7%). Additionally, they also form the highest level of those going on unpaid leave and reduced pay, both at 20%.

Full-time employees appear to be the most stable out of all job types, with 88% of them experiencing no change. 

Figure 4: How employment status has changed during the MCO

Retrenched severely affected, followed by those on unpaid leave

In Figures 5a-5c, at least 30% of respondents across all employment statuses during the MCO reported experiencing some negative emotions.  Those on unpaid leave reported the highest level of depression (68%) while those who were retrenched reported the highest levels of anxiety and stress (62% respectively). 

Among the retrenched, 38% reported extremely severe depression and anxiety, and 25% reported extremely severe feelings of stress. Of those on unpaid leave, 48% reported experiencing severe and extremely severe anxiety and 32% reported experiencing severe and extremely severe depression. Only 5%, however, reported extremely severe levels of stress.

Unsurprisingly, those reporting no change reported experiencing the lowest levels of negative emotions.

Figure 5a: Differences in reported depression by employment status

Figure 5b: Differences in reported anxiety by employment status

Figure 5c: Differences in reported stress by employment status

Long and short-term concerns

Financial situation after MCO uncertain

At the end of Part 1, we reported that many respondents were worried about health and safety of themselves and their loved ones. 47% of respondents indicated that they were worried about their financial situation during the MCO, but 56% were worried about their financial situation after the MCO.

Figure 6: Major concerns during Movement Control Order (MCO)

We asked our respondents to indicate up to three major financial concerns at two points in time: at the point the survey was conducted during the MCO, and their future financial worries after the MCO was lifted. Consistent with their overall financial worries discussed above, respondents identified more financial concerns in the future after the MCO ended compared to during the MCO. 

From Figure 7, the major financial concerns that respondents identified were not being able to afford a medical emergency, not being able to support dependents and not being able to pay bills, loans and rent / mortgages. Consistent with the MCO being related to a public health crisis, more respondents were concerned about not being able to afford a medical emergency during the MCO compared to in the future. The situation was reversed for the other major concerns: while they were worried about these issues during the MCO, more respondents identified this as a worry after the MCO.

More respondents also reported no financial worries during the MCO compared to after the MCO, suggesting that economic uncertainty post-MCO weigh on the minds of many.

Figure 7: Major financial concerns during and after MCO

Current Mental Health Support Landscape

There is an opportunity to improve Malaysia’s current approach to mental health support. Its current issues, to some extent, can be attributed to a lack of mental health-related employment, and consequently, limited resources to meet mental health support needs. On an institutional level, the Ministry of Health’s latest numbers indicate that there are 0.5 psychiatrists to 100,000 persons, while there are 0.21 clinical psychologists to every 100,000 persons. This is below the World Health Organisation’s recommendation of 1 psychiatrist to every 100,000 persons, and the global median of 1.1 psychologists to every 100,000 persons.

On top of the lack of expertise, there is the existing stigma regarding mental health and illness. Although efforts are headway in increasing awareness of mental health, there still exists a lack of understanding towards mental health issues. This can lead to discrimination faced on both personal and professional fronts, and potential reluctance in seeking help. That said, there was an uptake in engagement with mental health support offered by the Ministry of Health and various NGOs via hotlines and messaging platforms during the MCO. This may indicate increasing awareness among Malaysians in seeking out and receiving mental health support.

Seeking help, though, can be costly. The lack of a comprehensive public-sector infrastructure for mental health may lead to those seeking help via the private sector where average prices for mental health support or therapy can cost up to RM250 per session. There is also a lack of comprehensive insurance for mental health coverage in Malaysia, with very few insurance companies offering coverage, and among those who do, only for very severe mental illness and without pre-existing conditions.

Policy Recommendations

Mercy Malaysia expects psychological-related calls to mental health support hotlines to increase beyond the MCO. Considering the projected increased unemployment and economic uncertainty, it is likely that we will see more Malaysians experiencing negative mental well-being as they struggle with the economical fallout of COVID-19. Although the government’s Prihatin stimulus packages are intended to soften the financial blow, efforts also need to focus on supporting the mental well-being of Malaysians.

What might be feasible ways forward towards improving our mental health infrastructure ? First, there is a need to address the issue of the low number of mental health experts and professionals – employment opportunities and training for mental health-related employment need to be bolstered above current levels. This includes opening up mental health related opportunities as well as making mental health support more accessible – like the Healthy Minds Programme in schools.

Second, our findings have shown that those who reside in low-cost housing are more likely to be susceptible to negative mental well-being, as well as those in precarious financial conditions. While the move to increase employment and training for mental health-related opportunities is institutional – we argue that a more community-based approach may help alleviate and overcome the gap of mental health awareness and support in these vulnerable communities. Trusted members of the community can work together with mental health professionals to increase mental health literacy in their communities and recommend appropriate support systems to promote health-seeking behaviours.

Third, based on our findings, those with precarious employment situations experience more negative emotions, and are likely to suffer most from the economic fallout. Increased mental health support or financial assistance towards accessing this may help them weather the expected economic downturn better. Following the more accessible mental health approach mentioned above, we see an opportunity for holistic support to be extended to, and complement, areas such as debt counselling.

There is also an opportunity here to rethink and expand insurance coverage for mental well-being beyond critical mental illnesses. While we appreciate that mental health difficulties are difficult to quantify (there is also a similar problem in the United States), more incentive needs to be given for insurance providers to adopt a more holistic view of mental health. This can be done in tandem with increasing awareness and incentivising employers to give more mental well-being support to their employees during this difficult time.

Conclusion

The study has revealed that business owners and the self-employed have suffered significant loss of income during the MCO, and part-time employees and the unemployed report experiencing the highest level of severe negative mental well-being. Those who were retrenched and on unpaid leave also experienced the highest level of negative mental well-being. Unsurprisingly, these are the groups most vulnerable in a time of economic uncertainty.

Despite its importance, discussion about mental health has only seen prominence in recent years. COVID-19 and the MCO, while having worsened mental well-being, has shed light on the seriousness of this issue. In March, over 610,000 Malaysians were retrenched as companies suffered financial losses over the MCO. This number is expected to rise in the coming months, as we deal with the global economic fallout.

The current situation has amplified an urgency for an improvement of mental health support in Malaysia. While financial social protection for affected groups are in place and have been announced by the government, we see the amplified mental health effects of MCO going beyond the resolution of this public health crisis. The way forward, beyond awareness, is to make a systematic change with how we talk about, deal with, and implement mental well-being into policy.

Adakah Denda Sama Rata atau Penjara Wajar Sebagai Hukuman PKP?

Dalam dua fasa pertama Perintah Kawalan Pergerakan Malaysia (PKP) yang berlangsung dari 18 Mac sehingga 12 April 2020, hampir 15,000 individu telah ditahan dan 5,830 orang didakwa di mahkamah kerana mengingkari PKP. Sejak itu, ramai lagi individu yang telah ditahan dan didakwa.

Jumlah ini mencerminkan kesungguhan pihak berkuasa dalam menyekat pergerakan bagi meratakan kadar (flattening the curve) jangkitan Covid-19. Walau bagaimanapun, kisah-kisah sebenar di sebalik angka ini, terutamanya berkenaan mereka yang berpendapatan rendah, telah menimbulkan persoalan mengenai erti keadilan dan kesamarataan dalam hukuman yang dilaksanakan.

Haruskah kemampuan menentukan sama ada pesalah dipenjarakan?

Isu hukuman setimpal muncul tidak lama setelah penguatkuasaan PKP bermula, apabila contoh-contoh tindakan tidak seimbang terhadap pesalah PKP mula timbul di media sosial. Berikutan kritikan masyarakat dan pertubuhan bukan kerajaan, pihak berkuasa diperhatikan cuba untuk memperbetulkan keadaan. Dari ‘sistem’ nasihat dan amaran dalam Fasa Pertama PKP, corak penguatkuasaan beralih ke praktik pengeluaran kompaun RM1,000 secara automatik dalam Fasa Kedua. Dalam Fasa Ketiga pula, ini bertukar sekali lagi dan penjatuhan hukuman diserahkan sepenuhnya kepada budi bicara pihak mahkamah.

Meskipun niat di sebalik perubahan-perubahan ini mungkin menyasar kepada penambahbaikan, namun berita tentang beberapa hukuman yang telah dijatuhkan terus menggugat persepsi keadilan penguatkuasaan PKP. Pada masa penulisan artikel ini, kes terbaru yang timbul melibatkan seorang ibu tunggal yang dipenjarakan kerana ingkar arahan PKP sementara tertuduh PKP yang lain hanya didenda RM1,000. Terdapat juga kes-kes yang dilaporkan dari Terengganu, Selangor dan Kelantan, di mana pesalah PKP dipenjarakan kerana tidak mampu untuk membayar denda RM1,000 atau wang jaminan.

Dari satu aspek, contoh-contoh ini bukanlah berita baharu. Realitinya, kebanyakan tahanan penjara di Malaysia terdiri daripada golongan yang miskin. Laporan dari Khazanah Research Institute (KRI) pada tahun 2014 mendedahkan bahawa kebanyakan tahanan di penjara Kajang terdiri daripada golongan berpendapatan rendah. Lebih menyedihkan lagi adalah statistik tahanan muda; data dari tahun 2004 menunjukkan bahawa 71% remaja di penjara berasal dari keluarga berpendapatan RM1,000 ke bawah.

Tetapi, mungkin kerana kesan virus Covid-19 dan PKP dirasai secara meluas, isu hukuman terhadap pelanggaran PKP telah menarik lebih banyak perhatian orang ramai berbanding kesalahan lain. Antara persoalan yang diajukan rakyat: wajarkah menuntut denda RM1,000 daripada remaja yang miskin ataupun dari pekerja gaji harian berbanding dengan jogger Mont Kiara atau VIP ternama yang lebih makmur? Dan apabila pesalah PKP tidak mampu membayar jumlah denda ini, wajarkah penjara menjadi hukuman alternatif?

Kesaksamaan Hukuman : Perihal Jenis dan Jumlah Denda

Antara pakar undang-undang yang telah menyuarakan kebimbangan mereka terhadap hukuman PKP adalah Profesor Datuk Salleh Buang yang telah mencadangkan penangguhan hukuman. Mohamed Haniff Khatri Abdulla juga telah mencadangkan agar hukuman penjara digantikan dengan khidmat masyarakat. Lebih menarik lagi, Ketua Pengarah Jabatan Penjara Datuk Seri Zulkifli Omar juga telah dilaporkan menandatangani surat yang meminta badan kehakiman untuk berhenti menghantar pesalah PKP ke penjara.

Pendapat-pendapata ini juga mencerminkan pendapat orang ramai. Dalam tinjauan media sosial oleh The Center bertarikh 8 April 2020, hanya 12% responden berpendapat hukuman penjara adalah hukuman setimpal untuk pelanggaran PKP sementara majoriti, 58%, menyokong hukuman khidmat masyarakat. 

Apabila motif dan pendapatan diambilkira, hampir 86% responden tinjauan setuju bahawa pesalah berpendapatan rendah layak dijatuhkan hukuman yang lebih ringan.

Selain menggantikan hukuman penjara dengan khidmat masyarakat, bagaimanakah kita boleh menetapkan hukuman yang lebih ringan tetapi masih adil?

Hukuman denda berdasarkan pendapatan

Hukuman berdasarkan pendapatan mempertimbangkan keupayaan ekonomi seseorang dalam penetapan jumlah denda yang dikenakan. Idea di sebalik penskalaan denda mengikut pendapatan adalah supaya denda tersebut dirasai sama berat bagi mereka yang berpendapatan tinggi berbanding mereka yang berpendapatan rendah.

Pada masa ini, penetapan jumlah denda adalah di bawah budi bicara badan kehakiman, tetapi penyelidikan telah mendapati bahawa tahap pendapatan pesalah kurang mendapat perhatian dalam penetapan hukuman.

Sistem hukuman berdasarkan pendapatan telah wujud selama hampir seabad. Hari ini, model yang paling banyak digunakan adalah model ‘denda harian’ ataupun ‘day fine’

Denda harian dikira dengan menggandakan sebahagian pendapatan harian pesalah dengan ‘unit hari’, iaitu bilangan hari yang dianggap sesuai sebagai ‘pengganda’ hukuman mengikut tahap keberatan kesalahan yang dilakukan:

Jumlah denda = peratusan gaji harian (kasar atau bersih) x unit hari

Sistem denda harian digunakan di beberapa negara di Eropah dan Latin Amerika. Formula dan keluasan penggunaannya berbeza dari satu negara ke negara yang lain. Di Finland, formula denda mengambil kira separuh daripada pendapatan bersih harian manakala di Jerman pula, pendapatan bersih harian penuh pesalah digunakan. Definisi pendapatan bersih juga berbeza dari satu negara ke negara yang lain. Dari segi unit hari, Kod Jenayah Austria dan Jerman menetapkan bahawa antara 5 hingga maksimum 360 ‘unit hari’ boleh dijatuhkan berdasarkan keberatan kesalahan.

‘Kalkulator’ denda pelanggaran PKP

Katakan dalam senario ini, kita mempunyai dua pesalah PKP, seorang yang mendapat gaji minimum RM1,200 sebulan dan seorang lagi yang memperoleh RM10,000 sebulan. Dengan menggunakan formula denda yang mudah iaitu 10% gaji kasar, pesalah yang berpendapatan RM10,000 sebulan akan membayar jumlah denda sebanyak RM1,000 manakala pesalah yang berpendapatan gaji minimum akan membayar denda sebanyak RM120. (Jumlah denda akan menjadi lebih rendah jika formula denda berdasarkan gaji bersih dan bukan gaji kasar.)

Sebagai alternatif, kita juga boleh menggunakan sistem denda harian. Berdasarkan model denda harian di Finland, Jerman, dan Austria, kami telah menghasilkan ‘kalkulator denda’ berdasarkan separuh daripada gaji harian kasar untuk tujuan ilustrasi. Untuk pesalah kali pertama dan pelanggaran PKP yang tidak serius, kadar ‘unit hari’ ditetapkan pada 10 hari.

Berdasarkan kadar tersebut, pesalah yang berpendapatan RM1,200 sebulan perlu membayar denda sebanyak RM200 sementara pesalah yang berpendapatan RM10,000 sebulan perlu membayar sebanyak RM1,667.

Formula kalkulator denda boleh dijadikan lebih menyeluruh seperti mengambil kira jumlah tanggungan isi rumah dalam pengiraan pendapatan bersih. Apapun formula yang digunakan, prinsip teras adalah untuk memastikan kesaksamaan jumlah denda antara dua darjat.

Cuba kalkulator di sini:

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Tiada sesiapa patut menjadi mangsa undang-undang

Mereka yang menentang denda harian berpendapat bahawa penetapan denda mengikut pendapatan akan mengurangkan keberatan hukuman dijatuhkan dan mungkin tidak akan dipandang serius oleh pesalah tertentu.

Kami bersetuju bahawa konsep denda harian, dan denda secara umumnya, mungkin tidak sesuai untuk kesalahan yang serius. Walau bagaimanapun, dalam hal pelanggaran PKP, keberatan sebenar kesalahan tersebut dari segi risiko penyebaran wabak sukar untuk dianggarkan tanpa maklumat yang lengkap tentang pesalah tersebut.

Jurang tahap maklumat ini bermakna adalah lebih mudah bagi pihak berkuasa untuk mengambil pendekatan penguatkuasaan yang lebih ketat. Tetapi penguatkuasaan yang lebih ketat tidak bermaksud bahawa pesalah PKP perlu menghadapi hukuman yang terlalu membebankan, terutamanya pada masa kesulitan ekonomi sebegini. Bagi kesalahan pelanggaran PKP dan kesalahan yang tidak serius, kami mencadangkan hukuman denda berdasarkan pendapatan sebagai tindakan yang berperikemanusiaan dan adil.

Nobody Spared: Covid-19, MCO and Mental-Wellbeing

While many countries have started to re-open their economy following lockdowns as a response to the Covid-19 pandemic, the fight is far from over. Things have changed significantly for everyone since February 2020, and people globally are bearing the brunt of Covid-19 and its mental and emotional effects. Malaysians are not exempted, and the increase in calls to organisations such as Befrienders over the MCO period demonstrates the increased stress and anxiety over recent events.

The Centre recently published findings of its survey on how the Movement Control Order (MCO) are affecting the mental wellbeing of Malaysians. Overall, the survey revealed that almost 50% of respondents reported experiencing negative emotions over the MCO period.

For people with existing mental and emotional health problems, Covid-19 and the MCO will have likely triggered anxiety and depression further. For others, the impact of finding themselves in forced isolation or the chaos of having too many people living with them also increase stress and anxiety. This is on top of existing Covid-19 related worries, such as the fear that they and their loved ones might get infected by the virus.

In this piece, we take a more in-depth look at how Covid-19 and the MCO has affected the mental well-being of different groups of people who live in Malaysia


Stories from The Ground

Our survey found that the impact of mental well-being on those in Malaysia currently observing the MCO vary in severity and form.  We interviewed three individuals to see how their worries were amplified by Covid-19 and the MCO.


Mental Health Sufferers

Sha, 35, from Selangor, who works in mid-level management, told us that Covid-19 is worsening her symptoms and the MCO is making her feel isolated. She was diagnosed with Bipolar Disorder Type 1 and at the time of the interview, she was currently going through a “manic phase.” She also said: “As I am on medication and regular appointments with a psychiatrist and a psychologist, my condition is manageable. However, there are still times that I can feel that the mania and depression are coming. Proper diagnosis and treatment allow me to understand my condition and manage that.”

Adam, a 31-year old self-employed young man from Kuala Lumpur, was diagnosed with obsessive-compulsive disorder (OCD) in his teens. His symptoms had almost vanished but he said they have now “returned with a vengeance.” Adam compulsively and obsessively cleans himself and his surroundings. The constant news on Covid-19 overwhelm him and he doesn’t think that his symptoms will go away soon. “I think my obsessive cleaning will persist for a few weeks until I am confident that the danger of infection is negligible,” he told The Centre, adding that he has the privilege to see a psychiatrist and therapist – both of whom are private practitioners.

The Single Mother

The impact of the MCO on mental well-being is not just felt by those who have pre-existing mental health problems.

Zarina Ishak, 38, a batik painter and a single mother of two children, from a village called Kedai Buloh on the outskirts of Kota Bharu, Kelantan, said the villagers there are feeling anxious about having to put food on the table. She reports that prices of basic food like rice sold in Kota Bharu, for example, has increased. While she did get financial assistance from the Bantuan Prihatin Nasional (BPN) government scheme recently (in two instalments: RM1000 and RM600 respectively), the money is fast decreasing “We eat whatever little we have,” she said of herself and her neighbours. Zarina is also unable to work nowadays as her boss told her not to do so, even though she usually does her work at home. Even with the conditional MCO coming into effect, things have not yet changed.


Concerns at the Community Level

The impact of the MCO could also be felt at the community level, with both Malaysians and non-Malaysians being affected. Social class and poverty compound the difficulties of these people who have limited resources to access help.

At Pasar Warisan MPS

“Aishah”, 31, helps her sister sell popiah, dim sum and other delicacies at a stall at Pasar Warisan MPS Selayang Baru and has observed how the people in her surroundings are suffering. While “Aishah” herself is not largely affected personally, others she come in contact with at the market are not as lucky. The MCO continues to impact trade – previously, the businesses who operated at the old Selayang market made on average RM200 per day. Now they make as little as RM20 a day, with some earning less than RM10. The shop assistants – mainly permanent residents from Indonesia – are particularly affected as they cannot get paid due to the loss of customers, and some have lost their jobs.

As someone who is active in trade associations, ““Aishah” is often approached by others at the market. Many older women work there dating back since the 1970s, and they confided in “Aishah” that they felt depressed and anxious due to their loss of income and lack of resources and opportunities to earn other means of livelihood. According to “Aishah”, these people do not have the money nor the knowledge to access mental health resources such as counsellors and therapists. “Aishah” said: “What should I tell them? There is nothing positive about Covid-19. For poor people, there is no silver lining.”

Within the Indian Community

Founder of the non-governmental organisation Hope Selangor, Prema Thiyagu, said the Indian B40 community and even those from the M40 community are feeling the mental health toll from their loss of income. The Indian B40 community that her organisation serves are mostly day workers, involved in jobs such as selling flowers, collecting scraps, cleaning houses, selling nasi lemak and babysitting, while some work in restaurants and factories. These jobs have been paused at the moment. Furthermore, Prema said some workers have told her that they were only given two weeks of salary and forced to take unpaid leave for one week.

Even for the Indian M40 community who also receive aid such as the Bantuan Sara Hidup (BSH), it is not enough as for some, RM1,000 goes to rental alone. Meanwhile, some families are threatened by ah longs (debt collectors) for incurring major debts. With no money to pay back their loans, these families would often flee their houses in the middle of the night. Prema said all of these factors add to the anxiety and depression of the community, with some of them even committing suicide. “There is a high level of suicide among the Indian community in Malaysia,” she said.

Among the refugees

Rohingya activist Ziaur Rahman, 27, said during the MCO, his community is largely unable to afford food and rental. In one rural part of Perak where he is helping, the food supply donated by concerned individuals have run out. Prior to the loosening of restrictions during MCO, it was hard for non-governmental organisations (NGOs) to pass roadblocks and access the villages.

One Rohingya family Ziaur knows has been told to evacuate after failing to pay this month’s and last month’s rent. Those who have accommodation are forced to live in crammed and tiny conditions, with some houses containing three families and 12 people in them. They also fear being caught by the police.

The local Rohingya community also face social isolation and loneliness as they are unable to call their families in Myanmar and Bangladesh due to the current lack of internet in both countries. The refugees, Ziaur said, “feel frustrated and angry” and fall into a cycle of depression and anxiety.


What the experts say

Vizla Kumaresan, a private clinical psychologist in the Klang Valley, believe we should be worried about the fall-out from this pandemic. Of the situation during the MCO, she said: “People are experiencing social isolation. People will be stuck at home with unsafe partners or family members. People living with mental health problems will be facing a new kind of stress and anxiety. There will be an increase in people feeling helpless and hopeless.”

There is also a worry that that suicide may increase during this pandemic. Vizla argues that despite the lack of statistics [on suicide in Malaysia], based on the experience of other countries, it is realistic to expect a higher rate of suicidal ideation, self-harm and actual suicide.

Other health experts concur. In The Lancet recently, Professor Ed Bullmore from the University of Cambridge stated: “To inform management of COVID-19, it is vital to understand the socioeconomic effect of the policies used to manage the pandemic, which will inevitably have serious effects on mental health by increasing unemployment, financial insecurity, and poverty.”


What next?

The impact of the Covid-19 pandemic and the MCO on mental well-being is multifaceted and affects all layers of Malaysian society, regardless of factors such as health records, income, ethnicity and whether the people affected are citizens or otherwise. Already reports of suicide related to Covid-19 and the MCO are beginning to appear. The mental health fallout will far outlast the MCO and there is a need for long-term solutions, especially focusing on the layers of society not often well-served by existing mental health services. Decisive action needs to be taken to ramp up mental well-being provisions before another public health crisis – this time related to mental health – hits us.